2022 Election

Everything to Consider When Voting For an Independent Candidate in This Election

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There has been a lot of media coverage – some glowing, some crazed – about what seems like a big, noisy wave of independent candidates running the the 2022 election. They are promising to bring a fresh perspective, revamp the culture of Parliament, and challenge the status quo. But there are some really important questions we need to consider about independent campaigns and how they will shape the next Australian parliament…

Here are the answers.

Are there more independents running than usual?

The Lowy Institute indicates there has been a steady increase in the number of independents elected at state, territory and federal level since the 90s, but we can’t conclusively say whether the number of candidates has increased.

But in 2022, there is a clear difference in the way independents are campaigning that makes it seem as if there are more of them. 

Normally, independent candidates focus their campaigning efforts entirely on their local community – if you don’t live in that electorate, you’d be unlikely to hear much about the indies running. In 2022 however, thanks in large part to savvy social media use and the support of fundraising organisation Climate 200, some independents have benefitted from a more coordinated campaigning approach.

The ‘teal’ Climate 200 independents in particular are publicly supporting each other’s efforts, which in turn is helping them increase their visibility and name recognition beyond the boundaries of their local communities. Many of these candidates have secured national media coverage and opportunities that have previously only been given to sitting independent MPs.

So, while it’s not clear whether there are more independents running, they are certainly louder.

Is there an ‘ideal’ number of independents?

This really depends on your point-of-view about what makes for a ‘good’ parliament. 

From the ALP and Coaltion’s perspective, fewer independents in Parliament is probably better. While both major parties do expect to work with the cross-bench to pass or block bills, it’s easier to negotiate with minority parties as they operate in a similar structure – the party’s ideology is clearly outlined, and deals that the party agrees to are supported by the sitting MPs. For example, regardless of whether the Greens win one or seven seats at the next election, they would vote on bills as a block, just like the bigger parties do. On the other hand, the ALP and Coalition have to negotiate with independents one-on-one – from the party’s perspective, that’s trickier and more time consuming. 

On the other hand, some people believe that the best format for Parliament is to have the balance of power sitting with the independents. In a briefing call, Climate 200 said their goal is to get three more indies elected to parliament. Assuming that the existing independents retain their seats, this would bring the total to seven indies on a 10-member cross-bench. 

The power of those independent seats will be in full force if the election results in a hung parliament, where neither major party secures the majority. While polling indicates that situation is becoming less likely, it’s still a possibility. Some of the most prominent independents told the Sydney Morning Herald they will be demanding climate and anti-corruption policy adjustments before doing a deal with either the ALP or Coalition.

Pros and cons of being represented by an Independent MP?

From a voters perspective, there are advantages and risks, including:

ADVANTAGES:

  • It’s easier for independents to remain close to the community they represent, as they do not have to factor in party loyalty when that may clash with the needs of the electorate. In theory, that keeps independents more representative of and accountable to their constituents
  • There is potentially more weight behind their voting decisions. This can be translated into more power for them to ask government to address their communities needs, in exchange for support on government bills

RISKS:

  • Independents typically focus on a smaller range of policy issues. While this is understandable, it does create a lack of transparency on how they’d would vote on certain topics
  • Major parties will be actively trying to sway an independent’s vote, especially in minority governments. There’s usually a trade-off, and can lead to them voting in a way that ultimately contradicts their community’s views in exchange for something else
  • Without the safety of party support and branding, when it comes time for re-election name recognition is crucial for independent candidates. That can lead to them pursuing more out-there antics and stunts to grab media attention, as is also the case with minor parties

Which independents are most likely to win their seats?

This is the big question. The three previous independents – Steggall, Wilkie and Sharkie – are likely to be re-elected. Polling shows that only two new independents look likely to win their seats: Dr Monique Ryan in Kooyong (VIC), potentially knocking out Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, and Zoe Daniel in Goldstein (VIC). While some other seats could be very close, there are no clear signs they’ll be victorious.

Which leads us to a bigger question about independents and the state of politics…

There’s been a real feeling of change and agitation throughout the 2022 campaign. Independents certainly position themselves as those who stand outside the political status quo and will challenge the system. But when you consider which independents get the media opps, the funding, and best chance at winning… they’re not necessarily that different to their party colleagues. 

Electoral analyst Ben Raue told AFR “the two biggest challenges for independents are name recognition and money.” On a recent episode of one our fave podcasts, Left Right Out, independent Georgia Steele said it takes around $1 million to win a competitive seat. She’s had to raise hundreds or thousands of dollars for her campaign; Steggall raised $1.1m for her successful 2019 campaign, and Ryan will hit a similar total for her fight in Kooyong.

Climate 200 has been a major source of donated funds and they are transparent about who has donated, and which candidates the money is going to. The organisation doesn’t ask these candidates to run, instead they identify indies who support science-backed climate action and are a running a ‘strong’ campaign, offering financial support to help them win. After all, money is the biggest obstacle.

We asked Climate 200 what defines a “good” independent campaign and how they decide who should receive funding. A representative said they look for competitive candidates with a ‘good’ volunteer base and community support, but did not answer our questions about what “good” or “competitive” really means and how they choose who to support. 

Ill-defined processes are a big problem for diversity. If we really want Australian politics to be different, shouldn’t candidate diversity be a bigger focus?

Climate 200 does not support any candidates of colour. While the prerequisite for ‘community support’ is indeed an indicator of election success, it could also means candidates need to conform to the mainstream idea of who a politician or leader should be.

Some of the new candidates to receive funding have clear, pre-existing name recognition. For example, radio presenter and comedian Alex Dyson, and former Australian rugby player David Pocock, who are both running for Senate seats. Media personalities and sportspeople have been a presence in Australian politics for a long time.

Others come directly from Australia’s existing political and wealthy circles. Kate Chaney is running in Curtin (WA) backed by Climate 200. Her uncle, Fred Chaney, and her grandfather, Sir Frederick Chaney (yes, that’s sir) were both Liberal government ministers. Kate’s father, Michael Chaney, is a former Chairman of National Australia Bank, Woodside, and Wesfarmers. Allegra Spender, in Wentworth (WA) is also backed by Climate 200. Her mother is Carla Zampatti, the late iconic fashion designer. Her father and grandfather were also Liberal MPs. 

Do these candidates represent a change, or do they represent the existing political elite? This is not a criticism of the individuals, but of the system.

There are other indies running without the same level of organised funding or national support. Dai Le is running in Fowler (NSW), in a race that is “too close to call” against Labor’s Kristina Keneally. She has been a member of the Fairfield City Council since 2012, and is currently the Deputy Mayor. Le told us her campaign has been very lean, rallying the community for volunteers to “keep expenses as low as possible.” 

“I have been an independent for close to a decade now, and many people in the community have encouraged me to run at this Federal election. As an independent, you have to build your following from scratch, and have to raise funds, or use your own funds.”

She said for CALD candidates who run independently, part of the appeal is sitting outside the existing system. “For all candidates, success relies on your focus, determination and ability to navigate the political labyrinth. With few CALD candidates participating in the political process, there are less numbers to break through the barriers within the political system to any leadership roles.”

Just as it’s important to analyse why parties put female candidates in marginal or unwinnable seats, we should examine who is able to achieve success as an independent candidate in Australia before we declare it the solution to our political problems.


No ‘gotcha’ moments, no reporting on redundant press conferences, no triggering opinion pieces – Zee Feed is covering the 2022 Federal Election in a way that’s better for your brain.

Visit the Election Hub to for straightforward content to help you cast an informed vote.

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